|
"Some political analysts have described Virginia as the Cayman
Islands or the Wild West of campaign finance laws because of its lack
of giving or spending limits. Others contend that Virginia’s
system promotes open government and is more honest because candidates
and political committees must disclose all of their financial activity.
Whatever the view, one of the axioms of news coverage applies to reporting
on campaign finance: Follow the money. And power follows money. ”
That’s how Pam Stallsmith began a recent Times-Dispatch column
about money and politics. Unfortunately, even for skilled reporters
like Stallsmith, it’s getting harder and harder to follow the
money.
Virginia’s system is supposed to provide full disclosure of
who gives and who gets.
Unfortunately, gaping loopholes are popping up in the disclosure
laws. To no one’s surprise, Republicans and Democrats are equally
adept at exploiting those loopholes. To date, state law hasn’t
kept up with loophole-exploiters; as a result, what’s intended
to be a full-disclosure system, without spending or giving limits,
might better be described as an occasional-disclosure system. If the
system’s not fixed soon, public cynicism will only worsen — with
increased calls for contribution and expenditure limits that might
threaten free-speech guarantees.
Individuals and political action committees must disclose donations
to candidates. As a further safeguard, candidates must disclose all
their contributions and all their expenditures. You’ll find this
data online and easily accessible at http://www.vpap.org (the Virginia
Public Access Project Web site).
But what about special-interest contributions for public referenda,
such as the ill-fated regional referenda in 2003 for increased transportation
taxes in Tidewater and Northern Virginia? If referendum contributors
disclosed their gifts, it was voluntary — state law requires
no such disclosure.
Or what about the thousands of dollars poured into local referenda
for off-track betting centers? Again, no mandatory disclosure, and
the Colonial Downs gaming company repeatedly refused to reveal the
amounts and nature of its campaign contributions and expenditures.
The state’s top two elected officials have taken secret fund-raising
to an even higher level — and, again, it’s all perfectly
legal.
House Speaker Bill Howell, R-Fredericksburg, has founded a not-for-profit
organization, Virginia Reform Initiative, to study transportation
and other issues. As a non-profit “educational” organization,
the VRI is not covered by the state’s financial disclosure laws,
and will not have to reveal who donates money to it or how that money
is spent.
As Howell describes it, VRI will be a think tank to come up with
policy initiatives as a counter-balance to the governor’s office. “Being
part-time legislators, we all have these ideas bubbling up and percolating
around and we just don’t have the time or the staff to follow
up on them or follow them through or see what other states are doing,” Howell
said.
But shouldn’t the public know if somebody’s handing the
speaker a $25,000 check, even for such a worthy initiative? If that
same check is contributed to the speaker’s PAC to help elect
his party’s candidates, it must be disclosed. If given to a think
tank, it need not be.
On its face, the speaker’s organization is similar to the Foundation
for Virginia, a nonprofit set up by supporters of Gov. Mark Warner
last year to lobby for his version of tax reform. “The governor’s
obviously was much more promotion. Mine’s going to be almost
exclusively developing ideas. It’s a mini-think tank,” Howell
said.
Research dollars? Bank-rolled candidates? In the public’s need
to know who gives how much, is there a real difference?
“What we’re seeing in Virginia is kind of a financial arms
race,” according to Stephen Farnsworth, associate professor of
political science at the University of Mary Washington. “The
Republicans opposed to the governor are trying to play catch-up by
creating an organization like this. ”
“Virginia’s campaign finance rules generally are pretty
loose when you compare them to rules in other states. But these organizations
involve even less public disclosure, and so are a very useful way
for people to contribute money without being seen. ”
But they need to be seen, whatever the bank account, whatever the
expenditure.
– Frosty Landon |